Populists of all the world unite (or rather not…)

Yossi Mekelberg
Yossi Mekelberg

Yossi Mekelberg


By : Yossi Mekelberg


Current politics are increasingly hijacked by populism of various denominations and persuasions. In his most famous speech, the Gettysburg Address, President Abraham Lincoln said: “Of the people, by the people, for the people.” To be sure, the people should be at the heart of the state and the nation, but as a uniting force, not one that spreads division and fragmentation. Since then the notion of “the people” has been used and abused to do exactly this — spreading disunity by politicians, or those with political aspirations, in order to acquire and retain power.

Populism was defined by the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde as a type of ideology that separates society, “…into two homogenous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite,’ and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people.” Consequently, the very essence of this type of politics is oversimplified by nature.

It reduces a very complex phenomenon of the state to a Hollywood B movie in which the good fight the evil (and are expected to win). From populist left-wing parties such as Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain or Chavez’s United Socialist Party in Venezuela, to the US right-wing represented by Trump’s ascendency to power, Brexit, or Geert Wilders, the phenomenon of populism is in the forefront of world politics.

Whereas populist rhetoric, as the weapon of the demagogue, has never been too far away from political discourse, it was mainly a tool of reinforcement. Right now it is at the center of political debate. It can be argued that populism dares to bring issues to the center of the political and social agenda that the elite are otherwise not comfortable with. For instance, after nearly a decade of economic hardships, triggered by the global financial crisis of 2008, left-wing populist parties, not surprisingly, challenged the usefulness of austerity measures as a tool to prompt recovery.

Increasingly, and most scarily, modern politics reverse Abraham Lincoln’s vision — ‘of the people, by the people, for the people’ — into governments of the populists, by the populists, for the populists. This unfortunately can only lead to friction and violence.

Yossi Mekelberg

Right-wing parties are all too ready to question globalization and one of its main tenets — the free movement of people as essential for economic development. In this sense populism seems to broaden the debate, moving away from the incremental to the more radical.

If this argument makes populism appealing, a closer look, especially at right-wing populism, reveals a different reality. It is not exactly expanding and enlarging the political debate, but instead regressing to the dark ages and primordial instincts. It hides behind challenging the elite in order to disturbingly promote a divisive, racist, anti-migration and misogynist approach to society.

It attempts to reverse much of the advances in human rights accomplished through modernity. Populists undermine the rule of law — after all they always put themselves above the law. This is particularly dangerous in the absence of strong political institutions, or a robust constitution that protects human and political rights, or where there is a lack of strong democratic traditions.

There are enough people who would agree that the political establishment in Washington does not always serve the best interests of all American people. Nevertheless, talking about “draining the swamp” Trump-style is sheer incitement against many thousands of devoted and highly capable people who serve their country tirelessly.

Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines’ populist president, has ordered his police to execute suspected drug dealers, without trial, which makes a mockery of his country’s entire legal justice system. In Europe, as in the US, populism took a nasty turn in vilifying migrants, especially Muslims. It seems to be an assured path to make gains in the ballot box.

Trump’s unconstitutional and crass attempts to block Muslims from entering the country, or his denigration of Mexicans is not about security or employment.

It is about positioning himself, and his like, vis-à-vis the liberal establishment, which he has accused of being too soft on protecting the populace from terrorist attacks, criminality, loss of jobs and the changing of the nation’s character. “Make America great again” by pillorying immigrants is hollow populist rhetoric, especially in a country founded and built by immigrants.

Marine Le Pen, Geert Wilders, or UKIP in their more British understated approach, represent a very similar if not identical phenomenon.

Threatening to ban headscarves or burkinis is an assault on multiculturalism, as it appeals to the fear factor in certain circles of European societies, enhanced by recent horrific, though isolated, terrorist attacks.

Populism is not confined mainly to the US or Europe, it also exists in Latin America as much as in the Middle East. Erdogan in Turkey exploits religion and Netanyahu in Israel misuses national-religious Zionism to silence debate and political rivals in a similar way.

Ultimately populism is bound to end in curtailing debate and diversity within societies. More than an ideology, it is a political tool that discards tolerance and a frank exchange of views aimed at reaching societal consensus and harmony. It is there to serve the populist rather than the populace.

Increasingly, and most scarily, modern politics reverse Lincoln’s vision into governments of the populists, by the populists, for the populists. This unfortunately can only lead to friction and violence.


Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations at Regent’s University London, where he is head of the International Relations and Social Sciences Program. He is also an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. He is a regular contributor to the international written and electronic media.


Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in the Column section are their own and do not reflect RiyadhVision’s point-of-view.


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